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THE SPATIALITY OF CRICKET

Zahaan Khan

from colonization to commerce

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prologue

My experience of growing up in the valley of Kashmir influences the subject of this project considerably. Cricket is undoubtedly still the most common sport found among the many open playgrounds across India, played by young and old as it has been for many years. In the mainstream, however, the sport has transformed from a mere leisure activity to a multi-million dollar industry with considerable socio-political implications. This project aims to present the history of the interlinked facets of cricket, from a vernacular activity to its role as a political agent.  

 

To draw light on the mutable nature of cricket’s relation to different spatial contexts, each of these presents obvious differences in topology, wider urban and political context, and spatial organization. For example, the abundance of playgrounds found in Kashmir inserts the playing of cricket into every day. This means that cricket is played alongside, or in between other activities such as traveling to work, working, studying, etc. There are few infrastructural or contextual requirements for playing in this context.  The casual, vernacular nature of the position of cricket within daily life is reflected in the physical markers of it in this specific context. Cricket pitches can be found in almost every playground available, with stones or bricks stacked together to form wickets. Comparatively in Mumbai, where there is an acute shortage of public playgrounds, cricket has transformed into a new form of gully cricket (street cricket) which can be identified by different markers such as with graffiti of cricket stumps marked on the walls behind a temple and the stacked empty food containers in the backyard of the slums of Dharavi. The streets themselves have markings of a cricket crease where, as soon as the city sleeps, passionate players take to the streets under the streetlight to play cricket. Although the sport is played in more formal settings as well within this metropolitan city, this formality is restricted to the people who can afford to book the use of playgrounds in clubs and academies. In Tallinn however, cricket is far less popular than in the Indian urban context. Because of this, the sport is much more formalized, restricted to the annual competitions that the Estonian Cricket Board organizes. There are two versions of cricket played here, one is the regular formal format played in the summers, and a modified version of the game for winters, which is played indoors due to the weather restrictions.

 

Through making these comparisons between different contexts, it became clear that power relations are a key aspect of the game regardless of spatial context. Analyzing how different spatial contexts highlight the different historically and politically conditioned fragments of the element of power within cricket help to bring out the nuances in this paradigm and interrogate how cricket may be used to foster new forms of political authority.

sports: power, biopolitics and institutions

Sports provide a planned, structured, and systematic physical activity shaped to improve or maintain one's physical fitness(Vizcaíno,2008). Unlike regular workouts, sports are arguably institutions, which through a series of regulated rules, help develop skill-related fitness. The institution of sport, much like other institutions, uses laws and regulations to position actors in relation to one another to create paradigms of relations. Cricket exemplifies how power is manifested in spatial contexts, however in order to understand how power can govern spaces and the people who occupy them through the medium of sports we need to understand how particular sports come to occupy particular positions in social, individual, cultural, and political life. We also need to understand how these sports in particular have been globalized and normalized in our lives. 

 

The Globalisation of a sport such as a soccer, or arguably cricket results in the export of the sport to a wide range of different spatial contexts. This applies to the sport as both an activity and as a consumer product. At any one time, there are games being played by a variety of different people in different places around the world. Each game necessarily adapts to these contexts. For example, different objects may be used as pitch markers in different spaces, different kinds of kit or equipment may be used, and rules may be altered to factor in aspects of the contexts the game is played in.  Similarly, a single undeviating version of the sport in question is being talked about, watched, listened to, and engaged within a similarly wide range of contexts. The expansion of a sport such as cricket simultaneously as an action that individual bodies engage in, and which therefore depends on processes of embodiment to be achieved, and as an institution of rules, norms, expectations, and associations can be analyzed through Foucault's notion of biopolitics 
 

As elaborated by Foucault in the birth of Biopolitics, he refers to the notion of biopolitics as a form of governing or regulating the masses through biopower which roughly translates to power over life. Through biopower, we can understand how many institutions permeate our daily lives in many ways and eventually have quite significant effects on how we live in the world. These institutes act as microcosms of broader systemic phenomena like control.(Foucault 1979). Biopower is the extension of a kind of logic of bodies, a knowledge of bodies, and how they operate in consolidating a norm about those bodies. This norm is derived from the repetition of acknowledged certain forms of proper bodies and their signifiers. These signifiers can include prescribed attributes such as size, height, weight, and race. These attributes are highlighted and ascribed as markers of a norm and eventually, this paradigm transitions from anatomy politics to biopolitics. Foucault argues that the emergence of Liberalism allowed biopolitical governance to take hold. Liberalism can be characterized as a political discourse that aims to minimize the administration of authority on the part of government institutions in favor of the economic market which will exert control through its own regulations, allowances, and disallowances.

 

The shift from sovereign statehood, to liberal statehood, did not necessarily mark a lessening of control and increased freedom. Rather, as quantified by Max Weber, it could be argued that control over ‘subjects’ was increased through the bureaucracy. Foucault uses the example of the panopticon to illustrate the apparatus of disciplinary power. Within the design of the panopticon, you don't even need to be under surveillance to act properly you just kind of accept the way you should act because of various power mechanisms that shape you and control you without you necessarily knowing it. This in a way attributes the emergence of biopolitics to liberalism because in the logic of less control there emerged a concomitant belief that the kinds of social interactions or bodily reactions are in a way more natural since they are not being determined by a ruler or government. Associated with this form of truthfulness and reality that was free of coercion, emerged a norm that allowed the establishment of a form of control not only over people's individual bodies but homogenization of control over all bodies. In a way, these norms determine what is fit and what is a misfit in society. 

 

Sports of the empire, like cricket, were used as tools to embed these norms within the colonies enabling the rich nobles from the princely state to be a part of the British culture and discipline, and at the same time, it enabled the colonizers to establish an authority that became a norm eventually since the game evolved.  Establishment of norms in order to divide labor within the framework of the game categorized who was allowed to bat, bowl, or field during the game. Ever since its evolution from the colonial period, the game has been regulated in order to decide who is eligible to play and for what role. Tracing the evolution of this sport highlights the factors responsible for institutionalizing a colonial pastime and its role as a tool for colonization for the Britishers within the Indian subcontinent. 

 

The practice of power within this colonial sport can be analyzed by exploring the relation of power with authority in cricket. Within this framework, in order to understand how power works, we can analyze cricket as an institution. Power is not wielded by a few individuals over the many, but something to which everyone is subjected(Foucault 1982). Since its origin cricket has been designed as a form of discipline where the players follow the authority of the umpire which is embedded as a figure for final decisions. Cricket as an institution has laws that govern how a player has to perform, but at the same time, it provides the umpire who is judging the player's guidelines which he has to follow in order to judge them. the umpire may seem to have more repressive power than the players, but both of the bodies are equally subjected to normalizing power. At the beginning of the game, the players played fair with the fear of being called out by the umpire. This idea of being watched constantly by an authority eventually embedded the sense of fair play in the game.

 

The rules which were bounding the players as laws of what to do and how to do it, eventually became something that was normal to the regular gameplay. It was the way the game was played. the rules, the authority was all a part of the sport itself.  For the colonizers, the discipline in the game represented their idea of administration in their colonies, where the authority of the viceroys was unchallenged and final. The subjects were to be aware that the viceroy is watching every move and has the power to judge their performance. Throughout the evolution of the game, the players eventually realized that even after the umpire being the authority on the ground, they were ultimately judged based on how they performed. so the sense of mastery of the game was born. Several failed performances lead to perfecting the skills and eventually enabled the colonies to perform well as a team within the rules of the game. Even though the game was shaped on the principles of English traditions and discipline, it was still based on the notion of them performing within the space on that pitch, which allowed a sense of power to change the fate of the result. Cricket itself became a mode to express the anger towards the colonizers in a game bound by sportsmanship. Confined within the rules of this Gentleman's game and fair play, they mastered their skill and were eventually able to play better than the inventors of the sport. The notion of teamwork and the sense of competition derived a balance within the team where everybody had to perform equally well in order to win in a team. A lot of this drift in power has to do with the idea of competition that was brought into the game by the Britishers who started Test matches, which acted as a platform to test the metal of the colonies against them. The emergence of this sense of normalizing power led to individuals focusing on performing well and mastering the skills to beat their oppressors. Eventually, this shifted the focus of cricket being a game of the empire to the game of the masses.

cricket: origin as a tool of colonization

Through colonization, the objective was to bring ‘civilization’ to the indigenous populations, based around the concept of the colonial power being more advanced and racially superior. By the 19th century, the British Empire developed a more idealistic and paternalistic approach with the colonial administrators carried with them bats and balls, the paraphernalia of the game as a means to civilize the primitive. While most colonizers relied on mostly directly imposing customs and values upon their colonies, Britain relied more on social or cultural imperialism in which by the end of the Victorian period, cricket played a significant role. It was used as a tool that served to sustain a notion of cultural loyalty towards the homeland amongst the emigrants as well as a channel to provide a cultural bond among the colonizing and colonized people.

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This game of cricket was exported to the colonies as a sport that represented nostalgia, even during the times of war; it symbolized the essence of a constructed idea of Englishness. Cricket as a discipline was intended to be a means of control. It was a sport governed by laws, not rules. The umpire as an authority in the field was unchallenged by the gentlemen who were playing. Although the white elite dominated the sport, it was rapidly taken up by the colonized masses. Through the mechanism of this game, the British values and principles drawn from the upper classes were embedded into the players. Cricket as an institution provided moral training of Fairplay, self-restraint, and education in pluck and nerve, which provided the players to practice these virtues on physical playgrounds under the supervision of nobles preaching the sport. (Headlam, 1902)

Cricket as a sport before it traveled to its colonies was subjected to a trial where the game, which was previously quintessentially played by the nobles, was opened up for the working class as well in Britain. With its origins dating back to the 16th century, the earliest recorded game is believed to be played by the English shepherds who used their ‘criccs’ as bats while the wicket gate of the sheep pens was used as the target for the bowlers. Even though the sport boasts of a humble origin, it was adopted as a sport for the nobles during the British era, which was further regulated as a discipline to practice British virtues and principles. Cricket emerged from Britain as a prominent sport of the Empire, which was a symbol par excellence of imperial solidarity and superiority explaining the imperial ambition and achievement. (Mangan, 2010)

 

The basics of a standard game involve two teams of 11 players each, which take turns in physical forms of batting and bowling. The Team that bats first, puts up a target score and the bowling team in the second half tries to chase that score to win. During colonial times, cricket was designed as a leisure sport, which did not involve the factor of winning or losing. The game lasted over five days and involved tea and lunch breaks. Most of the games played during that time ended up in a draw, due to the slow-paced dynamics that were involved. The bodies that were involved in the game played for leisure and focused more on the mental exercise of strategizing for the five-day game plan. Once the game was designed around the principles of British Culture, it formed as a tool to practice this culture among its colonies during colonization. With a boundary-less playing field, it represented the wide world that was open to conquer, while the pitch where the main action happened was a representation of the noble’s kingdom. This led to the training of bodies associated with the framework of the game. There was the strict categorization of the players in order to maintain the discipline of the game. The nobles playing the sport were called amateurs and played for leisure. The game for them was associated with aristocratic values. They concentrated mostly on batting which required less labor and were taken as team Captains for strategic planning. The working class came to be called professionals; they played the game for the money they received from patrons or from the gate collection. The professionals were subjected to the bowling and fielding practices in the game and were never allowed to lead a team as a captain. There was a strict division of labor among the bodies organized in the space where cricket was played, even in promotions and flyers, the batsman who was of noble origin became the face of the game. 

 

"Sir, cricket is a manly game, demanding exercise of patience and temper... The two men at the wickets are viceroys... and the space between the batsman’s wicket and the popping crease... is as much the batsman’s kingdom, so long as he can hold his fortress, which is called a wicket... The laws of the game are just and reasonable as the laws of chivalry were..., and promotes goodwill towards men… who can mix socially with their parishioners on the village green without losing their dignity and self-respect.... (Gale, 1871)

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Gale's description of cricket, which was intended to be rather humorous, had ideals embedded within it, which described the imagery integrated into the mindset and approach to the game during the British Empire. As a game, cricket was successfully adopted by most of the British colonies. Through years of resilience, the game significantly evolved and with gaining expertise in the game, the colonized developed a symbolic sense of bloodless resistance in the game. Post-independence the dynamics of gameplay changed, the new countries represented the oppressed against their former oppressors. By this time the game represented something more than a sport, it represented an opportunity to show the British that they were equals. Cricket offered a chance, a metaphor for resistance against colonialism along with a formation of postcolonial identity for most of these nations like India, Pakistan, and the West Indies. The form of emotional independence experienced by the crowds and fans of these teams after victory was beyond politics. Cricket is the legacy of colonialism that ended up being a mechanism that triggered resistance to colonialism.

Mumbai: the epicenter of colonial cricket in India

One of the first cities in India to become a locus for the Empire’s power, including cricket, was Mumbai. The Britishers demolished the fort walls which emerged as a vital location of the empire’s estate. Several majestic Victorian buildings were established along the area of the walls. The colonizers also started cricket clubs and gymkhanas. The open spaces were eventually divided into four distinct sections: Cross and Azad maidan in the north, Oval at the center, and Cooperage around the south. However, in the mid-1800s, these were a part of a single stretch of open space called the Esplanade stretching from Lohar Chawl to beyond Cooperage. (Sharada, 1995). The Esplanade was popular among the city’s inhabitants who would descend there for a round of cards or chess. In the present-day Mumbai, these wide-open spaces, hold a special relation to a city that is otherwise increasingly struggling for space. In other words, within the sprawling city of Mumbai – the world’s second most populated city which faces an acute scarcity of land – cricket somehow has retained its place amid the city’s bustling densification, even when the playgrounds are shrinking. The adaptation of casual cricket played in these grounds is different from the games being played in the more formal settings of the Bombay Gymkhana, which became the breeding ground for Indian cricket in the 19th century. Several cricket clubs tracing back to the colonial period have ever since flourished. 

 

In order to delve deeper into cricket as a colonial power especially in relation to Mumbai, the role of Bombay Gymkhana needs to be understood in a bit more detail. The whites-only Bombay Gymkhana was where the games of the empire, including cricket, were played. In the emulation of the British, it is here where the Indians too, picked up the bat and the ball. The first of these Indians were among the Parsi community. Soon, Hindus and Muslims founded their own cricket clubs and gymkhanas which exist today as well.  It is the colonial legacy of communal tensions and rivalry among these communities which gradually gave rise to competitive cricket in India. In 1912, Quadrangular – an annual tournament – took place between the Parsis, Hindus, Muslims, and the Europeans, in Bombay. The tournament which lasted for about 15 days was akin to a carnival as everyone with or without the knowledge of the game rushed to see the whites playing the natives in a confusing yet thrilling game (Guha 1997). With the left-out communities forming the fifth team, the tournament was eventually renamed as the Bombay Pentagonal. Outside of Bombay, patronage of the Hindu and the Muslim princes of India spread cricket further. The maharajas and nawabs promoted cricket by building grounds for the teams. The development of such cricket grounds laid the foundation of competitive sports in the post-independent era as well. However, the Hindus playing against the Muslims sparked tensions and soon became a political issue. Gandhi considered this sport, where communities were pitted against each other, as sectarian and divisive; an obstacle towards the freedom movement and an impediment towards realizing “new” India. Post-independence, doubts arose about whether cricket as a game of the empire would survive in independent India. However, Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first Prime Minister, believed that the Indians should keep the “best of their colonial past”. Gradually, cricket emerged as a vital tool in the task of nation-building in independent India and became one of the focal points of Indian nationalism. Triumphs in international cricket further strengthened India’s image as a “nation”. Cricket, ever since, has emerged as a locus of power within India’s political scenario and has been deployed as a tool of manipulating the power dynamics.

Indian premiere league: the rise of the spectacle

From the deployment of cricket as a colonial tool to its subversive potential or as a form of resistance by the natives during the British rule to its instrumentalization in the nation-building and manipulation of power dynamics in the post-independent era, cricket has undergone several transformations in India. With the advent of The Indian Premier League (IPL)  one of the richest sports properties in the world, began a new phase in the Indian cricket scenario, marked by India’s emergence as one of the key players in the global economy. The Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) announced the launch of this franchise-based “Twenty20 cricket” competition in 2007. This major transformation in the cricket scenario not only complimented India’s neoliberal economic growth but was vital to the state’s neoliberal project. IPL was hailed as the face of this new India. Lalit Modi, the founder & first “chairman and commissioner” of the IPL claimed that it was “a global representation of India and what modern-day India stands for and its successes.” IPL is a media-friendly, short-format, and high-value cricket league. It consists of eight franchised teams featuring major international cricket stars who come to India and compete in the tournament. Anchored on celebrity culture, Bollywood stars are owners and the promoters of the league. This nexus between cricket, commerce, media, and Bollywood has led to the spectaclization of the sport. Khondker and Robertson (2018) call it the “new spectacle of consumption”. The emergent consumer culture, they argue, has transformed the game itself, adding a showbiz quality to it. Extending the scope of Guy Debord’s Society of Spectacle, cricket writer Boria Majumdar argues that new-age Indian fans are a consumer of spectacle; more interested in the synergy between entertainment and sport than the sport itself. Moreover, the profit-generating capacity of cricket has increased the interest of the corporate sector and the entertainment industries, resulting in the spectaclization, commercialization, and corporatization of the popular sport (Ranjan, 2020). When IPL was launched, its virtues were presented as the virtues of neoliberal India: the embodiment of the free market and the creative capacities of an unleashed private sector (Marqusee 2013). In fact, as Marqusee argues, “those who pointed out the flaws in the picture were brushed aside as "naysayers" and "doom-mongers". If they came from outside India they were derided as "anti-Indian", "neocolonialist" westerners resentful of India's bold economic advance.” 

 

This nexus between cricket and nationalism is systematically strengthened and weaponized as soft power. Cricket in India is often conflated with ultra- nationalism. Cheering for any team other than India has resulted in violence and deaths. As Guha (2019) argues, “while India was a colony, cricket was a means of settling accounts with the rulers. After Independence, the new nation came to identify cricketing prowess with patriotic virtue. No other sport can play this role. In seeking the emotional allegiance of Indians, cricket has entered into an amiable competition with the Bollywood film.” India’s cricket (ultra) nationalism is hinged upon the regulation of effect. In other words, one of the major pegs on which the Indian nationalism rests today in cricket which is spectaclized through mass media, and the operative logic is the regulation of affect towards the engineering of public opinion, which is further deployed to produce the “the patriotic'' and the “anti-national”. This channeling of emotions can be better understood through Sarah Ahmed's (2014) work on the cultural politics of emotion which, as she argues, creates "others'' by aligning some bodies with each other inside a community and marginalizing other bodies. Drawing our attention to the implication of emotion, she looks at how, for instance, hate is organized and circulated towards “nation-building” or how constant mobilization of fear and anxiety is systematically used to produce the “other”. Similarly, cricket in India is a battleground where emotion is regulated and channeled helping India sustain its nationalism. The cricket field becomes the frontier. The line between the threat on the cricket field and the threat to “territorial integrity” is systematically blurred. And as India’s postcoloniality is haunted by places like Kashmir where the internationally-recognized struggle for self-determination is crushed and an UN-backed plebiscite is long overdue, cricket has become a neocolonial form of power.

conclusion

In this essay, I have explored the relation of power and spatiality as engendered by the sport of cricket in the Indian context. I have attempted to explore the dynamics of power not only within the game of cricket marked by the field and the rules but also through an exploration of the historical transformations of the game itself. I have tried to locate this exploration in a larger discussion on cricket as a form of biopolitics.

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Firstly, I argue, cricket was a form of colonial power in the hands of the Britishers. Anchored on a notion of “Englishness” and structured on the principles of British culture and imagined as symbolic of the Empire itself, it was exported to the colonies not only as a tool of cultural imperialism but also as a means of disciplining and controlling the native bodies. It was integral to the British Empire’s mission of “civilizing the primitive”.

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Secondly, even though cricket was intended as a form of control by the Empire, the games itself, within the existing structures, allowed for possibilities of a change of power and subversion. The natives explored it as a mode to express anger towards their colonizers and defeat them in their own game.

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Thirdly, while Indians explored cricket as a mode of resistance, several competing communities playing cricket also gave rise to a rivalry. Gandhi did not approve of this sport in which communities were pitted against each other and he thought of it as an impediment towards the freedom struggle. However, at the same time, cricket emerged as a vital part of the nation-building exercise in the post-independent era. For instance, victory at Lords in 1983 in international cricket bolstered India’s image as a free nation.

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Fourthly, I argue that Indian cricket changed completely with the advent of a more corporatized and mediatized cricket league – The Indian Premier League (IPL). Hailed as a game-changer for India’s international image, it underlined India’s neoliberal economic growth marked by the nexus between cricket, commerce, media, and Bollywood. Responding to the global market, it once again redefined the power dynamics of cricket.

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Finally, the relation of power and space embedded within cricket especially in present-day India is incomplete without a discussion on India’s ultra-nationalism and deployment of cricket as a tool of manufacturing the “other”, “the anti-national” and as a form of neocolonial power, therefore giving rise to a new form of governmentally especially marked by the convergence of several institutions like Bollywood, cricket, global market, entertainment, media. Furthermore, the effect is regulated to harness the potential of cricket as one of the pegs on which Indian nationalism has come to rest today.Therefore, by bringing to fore these several strands of the power dynamics within the cricket sports, I have tried to show the interplay between space and power embedded not only in the game but also in the institution of cricket. I have also explored the factors which not only shape cricket but also in turn are shaped by it, creating a complex dynamic of power within the cricket spatiality.

power play: the digital exhibition

This project further explores the relation of colonialism, power, and space in the evolution of cricket from a colonial leisure sport to a commercialized industry. Through various visual exhibits in the form of images, illustrations, graphics, maps, and texts, we try to determine the elements associated with the sport that has aided its transformation. This digital exhibition is designed on the concept of a cricket field and its field placement. Power Play is a term used for a restrictive field set up within the beginning overs of the game. It determines the shift of power to the batting side at the start of the match. I use this concept to set up a digital exhibition based on 3 major parts of my project.

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Kingdom(Black): The inner circle represents the installations in the form of representations of the kingdom with reference to a cricket pitch. It highlights how wickets, which are metaphorically considered as the castles of the players change based on location in the casual format of the game. We explore different materials within the urban context that are used as these castles and relate them to a similar cricket pitch in different time frames. The umpires(Pink) represents the form of authority associated with the sport and the Batsmen(Green) represent the division of labor within the colonial empire.

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Power(Blue): The shorter circle showcases the exhibits associated with power that influence the game. Elements like field setups and game temperaments that have changed over time and represent the accession of power. this section also looks at the role of the audience and the shift of power dynamics of the game from the colonizers to the colonized. It highlights the role of authority within the umpire that was embedded during colonization.

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Space(Red): The outer circle or deep fielders showcase the exhibits corresponding to the spatial aspect of the game. It traces the factors responsible for the transformation of the game spatially throughout the world. This section explores the evolution of the sport from the village green to our digital screens. We also trace the expansion of the sport from Great Britain to its colonies. 

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references

Michel Foucault, (1979) The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the Collège de France

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Michel Foucault, (1982) The Subject And Power, Chicago Journals

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Huw Richards,(2007) Cricket: A British institution is turning 50, The New York Times

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Sharada Dwivedi, Rahul Mehrotra,(1995) Bombay: The cities within, India Book House

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James Headlam, (1902)

J.A. Mangan, (2010) Cricket and the Victorians; Brookes, English Cricket Britain's Chief Spiritual Export’

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Fredrick Gale, (1871) Cricket: The Sport of Empire

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Vicente Martínez-Vizcaíno,(2008) Relationship Between Physical Activity and Physical Fitness, Centro de Estudios Socio-Sanitarios

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N.Ananthanarayan,(2016) Pitching it right: The great Indian cricket money game, Hindustan Times

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Ramachandra Guha,(1997) Cricket, Caste, Community, Colonialism: The politics of a Great Game

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Sara Ahmed, (2014). Cultural politics of emotion. Edinburgh University Press

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Guy Debord, (2012). Society of the Spectacle. Bread and Circuses Publishing.

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Ramachandra Guha, (2019) "A Corner of a Foreign Field (Baloo's Struggle)."

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Khondker, Habibul Haque, and Roland Robertson, (2018)  “Glocalization, Consumption, and Cricket: The Indian Premier League.” Journal of Consumer Culture 18, no. 2: 279–97.

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Mike Marqusee, (2010)  “IPL's dark side of the neoliberal dream.” The Guardian.  https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2010/may/09/india-cricket-ipl

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Amol Ranjan, (2020) “The costly spectacle of cricket.” Himal Southasian.

https://www.himalmag.com/the-costly-spectacle-of-cricket-2020/

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